The COVID-19 pandemic, like war, has strained government and our institutions. That’s to be expected and, despite the armchair critics, our country’s leaders, decision makers and public bodies, private and voluntary sectors have risen to the challenge.
However, there is a ‘but’ and it is an area which requires close and immediate attention - our constitution. COVID-19 shone a light on the disconnects which have arisen over two decades between our devolved governments in Edinburgh, Cardiff, Belfast and Westminster. Those disconnects have caused confusion, delay, incurred extra expenditure and perhaps even resulted in additional deaths.
The tensions played out every single day. Duelling media briefings, competing slogans, conflicting implementation dates all designed to suggest ‘difference’ when the entire country craved clear consistency.
For those of us who fought hard against the idea of a Scottish parliament in the run up to the 1997 Scottish devolution referendum, although accepting of the result, the exploitation of the parliament by nationalists to create division and make separation more, not less, came as no surprise. Devolution was never going to be about celebrating the common interest and pushing power down to communities. Instead successive UK governments just continually passed over more and more powers in the hope that just one more ‘concession’ will stop separation dead. It didn’t, the Calman Commission was proof of that.
Now the whole apparatus feels like it no longer works for the entire UK nor for the people it was meant to serve. However, all is not lost and perhaps there is a constitutional ‘silver lining’ to COVID-19.
Some quick Monday thoughts with a Scottish emphasis;
(1) Establish a “Council of the Isles” - we need a new representative body which pulls together the interests of the devolved nations, forming a coherent bridge between the nations and Westminster and creating a group that can coordinate and respond to opportunities (eg investment) and threats (eg pandemics).
compromised of 20 appointees from each of the devolved nations and potentially another 20 drawn from the overseas territories (addressing the democratic deficit for these communities)
up to 50% of the appointees can be elected representatives (councillor, MSP, MP), or a Member of the House of Lords with the rest selected
meets quarterly, no legislative or financial powers but the ability to scrutinise, propose and prioritise
the First Ministers or their deputies lead their group
the council meets on a peripatetic basis in Belfast, Cardiff, Edinburgh and London
supported by a secretariat funded by the office of the Secretary of State for the Isles
(2) Abolish the role of Secretary of State for Scotland / Wales / Northern Ireland - with UK-wide Secretaries of State and First Ministers the traditional role of the individual, territory based Secretary of State has been squeezed. They have become marginal figures and, in the case of COVID-19, virtually non-existent. Their offices are duplicative and confusing and yet there needs to be an interlocutor for the devolved nations and territories who can represent at a UK Cabinet level and provide the finance and legislation to allow the nations to flourish. The status of this role would be one of the ‘great offices of state’.
(3) Embrace the First Ministers - First Ministers have a democratic mandate and a powerful role in representing their respective nations. They are part of “Team UK”. The United Kingdom’s core strength comes from the ‘sum of the parts’. For a practical example think of an overseas trade mission. First Ministers should be accompanying the Prime Minister in a choreographed effort not ‘freelancing’, ‘contradicting’ and ultimately failing.
During COVID-19 UK Ministers and, for major announcements, the appropriate Secretary of State should have been standing alongside the First Ministers.
(4) Tear down political borders - thankfully, under the Prime Minister’s recent leadership we are seeing evidence of this with UK Secretaries of State visiting Scotland and news that he will holiday there. For too long we have allowed a phoney ‘fiefdom’ to be established by the separatists who have made people feel unwelcome and alien when they visit - even I feel that as a Scot who has chosen to live abroad and in London. This has to stop. The Prime Minister should have an official residence in each of the nations and use them regularly.
(5) Power to the People - stop transferring additional powers to the devolved parliaments / assemblies and stop transferring ‘consequential’ funding which is then used for discretionary projects, never for the intended target. Devolution of decision making and resourcing has become compromised over the last decade with power leaving Westminster but simply being built up in Edinburgh, Cardiff and Belfast. It needs to go directly to point of consumption and need - to the communities. The Chancellor’s recent initiatives have shown how efficient and powerful such an approach is.
Constitutional matters can’t be shoved in a drawer in the hope they will go away. Through passionate initiative we can reset the balance, turn a corrosive narrative into one that empowers and ensure the UK is fit for the challenges and opportunities ahead.
About the Author
Mark was involved in Scottish Conservative & Unionist Party from 1987 - 1998 as member, Parliamentary Researcher, Special Advisor and Parliamentary Candidate (1997). He maintains an interest.